Transnational Familial Business and Inter-generational Conflicts within Vietnamese Diaspora in the Urban Spaces of the Czechia

Article information

J. People Plants Environ. 2024;27(6):601-613
Publication date (electronic) : 2024 December 31
doi : https://doi.org/10.11628/ksppe.2024.27.6.601
1Assistant Professor, Department of Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts, Palacky University, Olomouc, Czech Republic
2Researcher, SIN Research Center, Department of Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts, Palacky University, Olomouc, Czech Republic
3Associate Professor, University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University, Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam
*Corresponding author: Bui Hai Dang, haidangbui@hcmussh.edu.vn
First authorFilip Kraus, filip.kraus@upol.cz
Received 2024 October 7; Revised 2024 November 15; Accepted 2024 December 5.

Abstract

Background and objective

In the contemporary globalized world, with migration and mobility occurring at an unprecedented scale, it is crucial to understand the lives of various diasporas and their integration challenges within host societies, particularly those diasporas that are culturally very different from the host society. This article analyzes the socio-economic and cultural sources of intergenerational conflicts within Vietnamese diasporic families living in the Czech Republic.

Methods

The research adopted an ethnographic approach, the analytical data based on three years of participant observations and in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 43 first-generation and 35 individuals from 1.5 and second-generation Vietnamese Czechs in Brno, Prague, and Olomouc.

Results

Through the lens of acculturation, the article demonstrates that first-generation Vietnamese migrants come to the Czech Republic as part of a broader family network to improve their family/kin’s financial situation and secure a better future for their children. In the host country, they establish transnational family business networks, which provide socio-economic security and upward mobility for the entire family/kin. However, the uncertainties embedded in the migrant’s temporary status, and their social networks are founded on traditional Vietnamese family values, morality, and ethics, which shared not common by the second generation.

Conclusion

The social positions, the transnational family networks, and the differing cultural values between the two generations generate intergenerational conflicts, particularly concerning the second generation’s life strategies, such as forming romantic or marital partnerships with members of the host society.

Introduction

I never dated a Vietnamese boy, but my father did not like any of my Czech boyfriends. I do not know why. Perhaps it’s because I only have a younger sister, and he is afraid that in the future, he will have to live with my family. He always pushes me to have a relationship with Vietnamese guys. My last boyfriend was a lawyer, but for my father, a Vietnamese boy from a Vietnamese family owning two Večerka(s) might be a better choice. We fought a lot over my ex, but since we separated, my relationship with my parents has improved. I do not know what will happen next, but now I am spending more time with my Vietnamese friends. (Hien, female, age 20s, university student, born in Czech)

Before 1989, Vietnamese migration to the Czech Republic (formerly the Socialist Republic of Czechoslovakia) was characterized by state-managed labor migration, with many restrictions on family reunification. As a result of these restrictions, the 1.5- and second-generation Vietnamese did not appear in the Czech diaspora until the 1990s (Martínková, 2008; Pechová, 2007; Kerbs and Pechová, 2008; Alamgir, 2014; Nozina and Kraus, 2020; Pham and Kraus, 2024).

After the Velvet Revolution of 1989, the political situation in the Czech Republic changed, leading to a new form of Vietnamese economic migration. Since then, Vietnamese migrants have primarily been petty businessmen who arrived with their families and established various family businesses. Consequently, the 1.5- and second-generation diaspora began to emerge in the 1990s (Williams and Baláž, 2011; Souralová, 2014). During the 2000s, these migrants and their families transitioned from selling cheap imported goods in open-air markets to the service sector, opening convenience stores, nail salons, and restaurants that provided employment for their entire families (Hofírek and Nekorjak, 2010; Nguyen, 2022; Mai and Kraus, 2024). Over time, the Vietnamese community has become the third-largest diaspora in the Czech Republic (after Slovak and Ukrainian communities) and was recognized as the only non-European ethnic minority in the country in 2013.

Today, the diaspora comprises 66,340 residents (Czech Statistical Office, 2023) and is a fully developed social entity with diverse social strata and a significant number of 1.5- and second-generation members. Existing research suggests that Vietnamese economic migrants in the Czech Republic typically seek better living conditions and opportunities for personal and professional growth, not only for themselves but also for their children and other family members, including those who remain in Vietnam (Nožina and Kraus, 2020; Nguyen, 2022). However, Vietnamese migrants in the Czech Republic face precarious conditions, including high indebtedness, language barriers, racism, and organized crime (Pechová, 2008; Hofírek and Nekorjak, 2010; Alamgir, 2013; Nožina and Kraus, 2020; Mai and Kraus, 2024; Pham and Kraus, 2024).

To mitigate the uncertainties of their temporary foreigner status, first-generation Vietnamese often establish transnational business networks based on family and kin relationships. These networks, rooted in Vietnamese socio-cultural values, help improve living standards and redistribute income as both material and symbolic remittances across the transnational spaces created by the Vietnamese diaspora. To sustain family and kin-based transnational businesses, parents often prefer co-ethnic partners for their children to maintain the socio-cultural homogeneity of their families (Kraus and Mai, 2023; Mai and Kraus, 2024).

However, Souralová (2014) shows that the parenting styles of Vietnamese mothers—who often work extended hours—can lead to a lack of engagement with their children, who spend significant time with Czech nannies and in the Czech education system. As a result, these children often internalize Czech socio-cultural values and experience a disconnect from their parents’ cultural practices, becoming more integrated into Czech society and less engaged with their cultural traditions (Nguyen, 2022). At the same time, the reliance of the first generation on their transnational networks and their predominantly diasporic living can lead to isolation from broader society, preventing migrants from achieving deeper socio-cultural integration, and influencing their identity formation and social location (Nožina and Kraus, 2020; Pham and Kraus, 2024).

Existing research indicates that different levels of acculturation among generations lead to intergenerational conflicts within Asian diasporas (Dinh et al., 1994; Vu and Rook, 2013; Huynh and Yiu, 2016). These conflicts are frequently exacerbated by the differing social locations of the migrants within a single family, particularly in relation to varying visions of individual roles in family or kinship networks, differing socio-cultural and religious values, and divergent life strategies among diaspora members (Nguyen and Williams, 1989; Min and Kim, 2000; Zhou and Bankston III, 1994; Thai, 1999; Pyke and Dang, 2003; Sportel, 2016; Seeberg and Goździak, 2016; Chan and Dorais, 1998; Ben-Mosche and Pyke, 2012; Baldassar et al., 2017). These issues were first observed within the Vietnamese diaspora in the U. S. (Nguyen and Williams, 1989). However, they appear to be even more pronounced in Australia, Canada, and Poland, where the bicultural identity of the second generation intensifies both intra- and intergenerational conflicts (Min and Kim, 2000; Zhou and Bankston III, 1994; Thai, 1999; Pyke and Dang, 2003; Sportel, 2016; Seeberg and Goździak, 2016; Chan and Dorais, 1998; Ben-Mosche and Pyke, 2012; Baldassar et al., 2017).

In the Czech Republic, intergenerational conflicts within the Vietnamese diaspora have also been studied. Lopatková and Formánková studied intergenerational conflict of Vietnamese migrants in the online space, while Kraus and Mai (2023) focused on family and diasporic environment to identify three primary sources of these conflicts, notably those related to the education of the 1.5- and second-generation, the preservation of cultural roots, and choices concerning romantic or marital partners. However, systematic research on disputes regarding romantic or marital partners, or on why diasporic families impose traditional Vietnamese socio-economic and cultural norms on their children, is lacking. We also know very little about how the differing socio-cultural values and economic expectations of various diasporic generations generate intra-generational conflicts.

This article aims to fill the gap in the existing state of art. Using Berry’s (1997, 2008) four acculturation strategies —assimilation (adopting the dominant culture), integration (embracing both cultures), separation (maintaining the native culture), and marginalization (rejecting both cultures) —the article demonstrates that the strategies employed by Vietnamese migrants in the Czech Republic reflect their approaches to intercultural challenges. These challenges include issues related to varying levels of acculturation, cultural identity formation, and the quality of family and kin relationships. Following existing studies (Gil and Vega, 1996; Hwang and Wood, 2009; Miranda, Estrada, and Firpo-Jimenez, 2000; Nguyen and Williams, 1989; Portes and Hao, 2002; Ho, 2010), our research focuses on how the acculturation process affects family dynamics in diaspora households.

Specifically, the article analyzes typical diasporic family business models, such as convenience shops and Vietnamese restaurants, to illustrate how differing socio-economic visions within the transnational family networks generate significant intergenerational conflicts, particularly regarding the romantic and marital partners of younger diasporic generations. While the article primarily focuses on the socio-economic aspects of these conflicts, it also discusses why and how diasporic parents utilize Vietnamese cultural values and morality to integrate their children into the transnational family business system.

Research Methods

The study employed an ethnographic approach to collect analytical data in 3.5 years through participant observation, in-depth interviews, and semi-structured interviews. The total number of participants included 43 individuals from the first-generation and 35 individuals from the 1.5- and second-generation Vietnamese Czechs. Particular attention was given to five families who operated convenience shops and worked in Vietnamese restaurants. These families were part of a broader socio-economic network of 18 families that can be divided into three entrepreneurial groups engaged in distinct types of family businesses: eight families ran convenience grocery shops, five operated small restaurants, and the remaining sold inexpensive garments and daily-use tools, either in large Vietnamese markets or in their own shops in the centers of big and mid-size Czech cities.

Among the participants, nine individuals from the five core families were interviewed multiple times. These nine individuals were the parents in the families selected for long-term participant observation. The interviews provided detailed insights into their family histories, relationships, and personal views on topics such as morality, religion, life strategies, and partner choice. The semi-structured interviews usually lasted from two to three hours, and, according to the participants’ choice, were conducted in Vietnamese (usually with individuals from the first generation), Czech (usually with members of the 1.5- and second-generation), or, in two cases, English. The interview location also depended on the participants’ choice, usually being held in café bars, restaurants, convenience shops, at university, or at their homes. Participants were presented with written informed consent, and interviews were usually recorded and transcribed. It should be noted that not all interviews were recorded due to unforeseen circumstances, such as respondents hosting guests, attending large community gatherings, or being unable to step away from their shops for a private discussion. In such cases, data were documented through detailed field notes. In total, 45 recorded in-depth interviews, conducted in Vietnamese and/or Czech, were transcribed and translated into English. Main themes and key codes were identified and analyzed by three researchers for reliability.

Male and female respondents from the first, 1.5-, and second generations were almost equally represented. The years of education received by the first generation ranged from 6–16 years, with the majority completing high school; the 1.5- and second-generation ranged from 9–18 years, with the majority having a university education (see Table 1).

Respondents’ general information

To clarify its argumentation, the Results and Discussion section of the article is divided into three interconnected parts. The first part focuses on the precarities faced by first-generation Vietnamese migrants in the Czech Republic. The second part demonstrates how these migrants resist precarious conditions by creating various business networks, exemplified by the convenience shop. The final part, before the conclusion, describes the roles of parents and children within the transnational family system and identifies the socio-economic sources of inter-generational conflicts.

Results and Discussion

The first-generation Vietnamese and uncertainties in the Czech Republic

Since the 1990s, economic outmigration has been a common practice among low-income families in Vietnam. The Vietnamese economy suffers from macroeconomic instability, which includes relatively high inflation, increasing prices, and currency devaluation. Additionally, there is a relatively high rate of unemployment. These factors, combined with limited access to quality education and a desire to improve their lifestyles, serve as strong push factors for the Vietnamese to work abroad (Dang, 2007; Angsuthanasomba, 2008; Tran, 2022).

I followed a relative from my village in 2006. I saw how he helped others migrate to the Czech Republic and how those people improved their economic situation. My family asked for his help with the paperwork, but we had to sell our land and borrow money from my mother-in-law to pay the broker agency. I went to the Czech Republic as a migrant worker to work in his factory. It was a family business that produced wooden gardens, houses, and toys. It wasn’t easy to leave behind my wife and four children, but at that time, we desperately wanted to improve our economic situation. Just imagine, during the winter, we shared two eggs, a handful of vegetables, and two cans of rice (2 bò gạo) for the whole family of five. (Hung, male, age 50s, convenience shop owner, from Hai Duong)

However, due to the complicated, corrupt, and expensive bureaucratic process related to visas, the brokerage fees are costly. As previous studies have shown, Vietnam is arguably the most extreme case in terms of migration debts due to the corrupt regime of migration management (Hoang, 2020). To obtain the required amount of money, the majority of migrant workers had to borrow an amount equal to the total possessions of their families (Nožina and Kraus, 2020), and the money is frequently borrowed at high interest rates (Dang, 2007). Our interlocutors revealed that between 2019 and 2022, to cover all the paperwork and travel fees to the Czech Republic, prices varied from $12,000 to $15,000, depending on the visa type. Additionally, for those who want to open a convenience shop, restaurant, or nail studio, the initial investment is extremely high. The final price depends on the location and business facilities purchased with the shop. However, the price of a well-established shop in a suburb of a mid-sized city is around $250,000 for a convenience shop and $300,000 for restaurants. A nail studio is usually cheaper but can reach $90,000. (If the facilities include a shop with an apartment nearby, the price can also easily increase by $250,000.) The high expenses related to the migration process and initial investment usually generate long-term indebtedness for the migrants and their families (In formation from the Vietnamese diaspora, 2021, 2022, 2023), which is considered a main source of their economic insecurity (IOM, 2019).

A related problem is the restricted period of residence permits in the Czech Republic. All our respondents from the first generation held long-term visas, either for entrepreneurship (2 years), employee cards (2 years), or family reunions (1 year). The visas can be repeatedly extended, but due to language and legal barriers, the necessity of regular visa renewal always means an additional financial burden and insecurity (Gabal, 2004). The problem is that within this short period, it is almost impossible to earn back the initial investment. This is especially clear in the case of working migrants. And, in our research, the majority of the first-generation respondents reported that they came as working migrants. During the first three years, their salary was around $1,300, while monthly expenses were around $800. Paying off the initial investment related to the brokerage fee usually took over three years:

If someone can work in the Czech Republic for 3 or 4 years before their working contract ends and their debts are paid off, they are lucky. With humble savings and huge loans from kin members, friends, and banks—or, in the worst case, from money lenders—they may be able to open their own business. Then, they can earn their first real money and move their wife and children to the Czech Republic. Of course, this process is again managed through broker agencies and with much higher broker fees than before. The whole family runs into another round of debt. To survive, young couples need not only to work hard but also to manage their finances well and have a great amount of luck. (Mai, female, age 30s, convenience shop owner, from Nghe An)

The extension of resident status is burdened with strict regulations and complicated administrative procedures. To fulfill all the visa extension requirements, migrants usually need the help of other diaspora members, brokers, and employers, which keeps them enclaved in their close diasporic circles (Isin and Turner, 2007; Kušniráková et al., 2013). Additionally, different resident statuses come with various sets of rights and duties. All the respondents reported feeling obliged to pay high taxes, being restricted in their mobility, and having access only to limited health and social insurance. As one respondent reflected:

Since 2006, my husband has been applying for a permanent resident permit. He has never received it. I came in 2014, and I cannot even dream of it. My daughter came with a family reunion visa in 2019; now she has applied for a long-term visa and is still in the process. Because we don’t know the language, we rely on brokers and have to pay them. This is a nightmare. Due to my long-term resident status, I have only poor health insurance, and the doctors normally don’t accept my insurance for treatment. Moreover, to visit a doctor, I need to pay for an interpreter. It’s too costly and complicated. Because of this, many people like me do not see doctors for years. (Hien, female, age late 40s, convenience shop owner, from Hai Duong)

Additionally, as respondents need to administer all the business permissions, taxes, and bills at their place of administratively registered residence, they consider local registration a limiting factor for their mobility. They argue that due to the language barrier and the relative fragmentation of different administrative services, it is difficult to change their place of residence in all the documents needed for their life and business in the Czech Republic. This, together with high indebtedness and regular visa renewals, pushes the migrants deeper into uncertainties:

We must be able to care for ourselves if something happens. Being foreigners, we never know what could happen. My father-in-law suffered during the financial crisis of 2008. He worked for two years with no real payment, only to be able to keep the business visa and wait for better times. He managed to stay and borrowed a sum of money from our relative, who had come to the Czech Republic earlier to open a grocery shop. However, finding an ideal location for a grocery store takes time and effort. It took him eight years to find a stable location where he is now. During this time, he spent a lot of money just to pay for services that helped him secure visa renewals, change his addresses, or simply report and pay his taxes. Once, the broker agency forgot to renew his business license together with his residence permit, and he was almost deported. He had to pay them an extra-large sum of money to help him. You can see that, without instant money, you can’t face unexpected consequences. (Trung, male, age late 30, convenience shop owner, from Hai Duong)

The first-generation respondents usually report money as their primary means of struggling with migrant uncertainties. To overcome any unexpected and potentially dangerous situation, they must “work as much as possible, quickly earn money (even at great risk), and extend their business assets” (Trung, male entrepreneur, 35 years old, from Hai Duong). This has become the motto of the first-generation Vietnamese in the Czech Republic, and to do so, members of the diaspora create complex networks based on diasporic, business, or family relations. Scholars typically associate these networks with Little Saigon, Hanoi, or Sapa (Cao, 2013). However, our research reveals that the basic units of these business networks are composed of family/kin members who run various types of businesses, including garment shops, nail studios, restaurants, and grocery stores (Martínková 2008; Pechová 2007; Hofírek & Nekorjak 2010). Recently, the most popular business model has been convenience grocery shops, Potraviny (POT) (Ha, 2020).

The next part will examine how the family business developed in the Czech cities. This section will also show how this business model gained popularity, demonstrate the workings of the business network within a broader transnational family network, and its division of labor across the diasporic generations.

Vietnamese family business networks in the urban spaces of the Czech Republic

In the 1990s, Vietnamese migrants were concentrated around local, frequently open-air markets in big cities and Czech border towns. They worked as petty businessmen, selling mainly cheap garments, electronics, cigarettes, alcohol, and consumables of daily use that were welcomed by Czech customers experiencing the ups and downs of the country’s economic transformation (Martínková, 2008; Nozina and Kraus, 2020). During the economic upturn in the mid-2000s, Czech customers focused on more expensive merchandise, especially garments, and electronics, making the ethnic economy highly competitive (Ha, 2020). Additionally, frequent local administration inspections and the 2008 financial crisis negatively impacted the prosperity of large Vietnamese markets (Kušnikáková et al., 2013). As a result, many Vietnamese people sought new business models (Martínková, 2008; Hofírek and Nekorjak, 2009) and opened various shops and restaurants in smaller towns, together with nail studios, and drugstores (Martínková, 2008; Pechová, 2007; Hofírek and Nekorjak, 2010).

A few individuals opened grocery and convenience shops, or restaurants, initially in Czech kiosks and later in traditional Czech local shops and restaurants that had not survived the economic transformation of the 1990s (Očenášková, 2022; Information from Vietnamese Diaspora, 2021, 2022). To compete with big supermarkets, these grocery shops focused on small daily-use items, supplementing customers’ shopping bags from supermarkets. At the same time, the Vietnamese were establishing their restaurants, initially as fast food offering cheap dishes in small kiosks, later in the restaurants taken over from Czech owners.

Consequently, an ethnic business infrastructure and Vietnamese warehouses for these grocery shops and restaurants emerged. Gradually, the grocery shops developed into convenience stores that could offer merchandise similar to that of supermarkets while remaining competitive in pricing (Ha, 2020). Also, restaurants improved their services and gained popularity among the Czech people as a great alternative to Czech cuisine, which is considered comparatively heavy.

Over time, both business models became very popular among Vietnamese businessmen, and today, these shops dominate the retail market for groceries in the Czech Republic (Očenášková, 2022). Vietnamese restaurants are also relatively frequent on the streets of Czech cities. There are several reasons why these business models are very popular among first-generation Vietnamese in the Czech Republic. Most respondents mention easy financial control and fluid circulation of capital as major advantages. The capital invested in a POT is called “alive” capital (vốn sống), in contrast to “dead” capital (vốn chết) invested in opening a restaurant. This means that once a shop is opened, goods are bought and sold daily, ensuring a constant flow of operational money. Additionally, the initial investment is lower since there’s no need to spend much on furniture, kitchen equipment, decorations, or advertising. As a result, many people prefer owning a POT over a restaurant. On the other hand, restaurants offer more working positions, allowing the employment of more relatives, and thus an opportunity to legally invite other family or kin members to live in the Czech Republic. As a result, both of the options are very popular among the first-generation Vietnamese migrants in the Czech Republic.

Even more importantly, both businesses, i.e., grocery shops and restaurants, offer a relatively independent business regime suitable for a nuclear family. This setup can be easily extended by opening another shop or restaurant supplied by the owner of the original subsidiary but operated by another shop- or restaurant-keeper (typically a newly arrived family or kin member). In this way, families often create complex business networks of several shops, restaurants, and nail studios supplied by two or three male relatives and operated by female shop assistants or restaurant keepers, usually their wives.

This arrangement is crucial because it allows couples, typically husbands and wives, to combine their business with home and childcare. Many of these shops are equipped with CCTV WIFI cameras, primarily to prevent theft but also frequently used to supervise children at home, which are often located very near or directly in the shop (Information from Vietnamese Diaspora, 2021, 2022). The restaurants usually have hinterlands that are turned into play and study rooms for their children.

However, as mentioned, the initial investment required for these types of businesses is very high. To gather these funds, respondents usually combine their savings with money loans. Some migrants manage to borrow money from local banks in Vietnam or in the Czech Republic. However, to collect a sufficient amount of money, these bank loans often need to be combined with funds from family members in Vietnam and informal money lenders. In this process, the transnational family plays a crucial role in complex transnational networks of money circulation.

In the case of bank loans from Vietnam, the family estate is usually used for reverse mortgages. When participating in informal diasporic financial institutions, family members collectively bear the responsibility to the lender. Even while paying off these debts, the system requires close cooperation and trust across the entire family or kinship network. Family members in Vietnam receive money sent from the Czech Republic and pay off their debts in Vietnam. In this process, the prosperity of each business or shop owned by family members is a fundamental precondition for the smooth circulation of money within the family or kin network, ensuring its material security. In other words, the family members in the Czech Republic must be able to earn enough money to pay off their debts, while the family members in Vietnam must be reliable in paying the money to the bank or other informal financial institutions.

The system guarantees a certain portion of profit in the form of remittances earned by families in the Czech Republic to those who remain in Vietnam. However, the problem is that it creates an additional space for those in Vietnam to renegotiate the amount of remittances sent by those who borrowed the money or to deduct a certain amount of money when needed. As such, the system is very costly and creates a socio-economic norm, requiring all family members (including children) to sacrifice their own interests for the smooth functioning of the entire system:

I sacrificed myself and all my time with the children to get this business in order. We sent over one million Czech crowns back to our family in Vietnam. They live comfortably while we’re left to sacrifice our lives for it. After I gave birth to our second child, I had to keep her by my side while working in the shop from 5 a.m., and I still had to send the other child to school. Sometimes, I was so exhausted I couldn’t hold back my tears. I cried on the bus. The situation was unbearable when both kids cried at once, and I was overwhelmed by financial burdens from banks and family. I couldn’t lash out at my children, so instead, I beat my head against the wall (...) And my husband? He’s mostly outside, buying new stock and keeping up with customer demands. (Loan, female, age 30s, convenience shop owner, from Nghe An)

Our research revealed that the observed families generally adhere to a similar division of labor. The men handle buying new stock and setting up the pricing policy of the shop or restaurant, while the women manage childcare and maintain the shop or run the restaurant. However, in the case of restaurants, the men also have to fully participate in running the restaurant, for example as one of the cooks or waiters.

An interesting and important aspect is the role of the children within these family business systems. As they grow older, the elder siblings take on responsibility for the younger ones, maintaining the home and cooking for the family. By the age of fifteen, they also assist their parents in the shop, typically as shop assistants or waiters (due to their Czech proficiency). The expectations placed on the children by their parents are substantial. According to respondents from both generations, children are often used as interpreters, shopkeepers, and intermediaries when dealing with Czech administration or business partners. Furthermore, they are expected to care for aging parents and, at least symbolically, assume the family’s responsibilities toward relatives in Vietnam.

The following section will delve into the division of labor between the parents and children in the two typical Vietnamese diasporic family businesses and explore the main points of friction in intra-generational conflicts stemming from different socio-economic expectations and career strategies.

The roles of individuals in the Vietnamese transnational family system

In Vietnam, the family-based social welfare model prevails (Cuong et al., 2000). The state does not provide retirement benefits for most of the Vietnamese population; instead, families are expected to ensure the socioeconomic security of their members (Le et al., 2014). According to this model, parents are responsible for providing a good education for their children, enabling the younger generation to support the family financially in the future (Souralova, 2014). This family model, at least symbolically, is transplanted into the diasporic context.

Our research indicates that migrating to a higher-income country is viewed as an alternative to obtaining a good education and better social welfare. In this model, the high brokerage fees associated with migration are seen as an investment in the family’s financial future. Conversely, sending remittances home is regarded as fulfilling one’s filial piety towards aging parents (Information from Vietnamese Diaspora, 2021, 2022). Moving the entire family to a higher-income country, where they can achieve better economic security, higher education for the children, and improved healthcare for the elders who remain in Vietnam, is also seen as a fulfillment of filial piety (Tran, 2019; Mai and Kraus, 2024). Similar to the Chinese diaspora (Zhou, 2009), filial piety is the most significant social obligation in the Vietnamese diaspora, determining the duties of children towards their aging parents, including financial support and continuing the family line (Vu and Rook, 2014; Tran, 2019; Lopatkova and Formanková, 2022).

My family-in-law was in the Czech Republic. The entire kin of my wife was here, and most of them were quite well off. I didn’t come earlier because I am the only son of my father, who remained in Vietnam. But eventually, we decided that I should go. After a few years, once I paid off my ‘migration debts,’ I managed to support my aging parents in Vietnam financially, support my siblings’ education, and start bringing the rest of my own family here. Last time, my sister came here to study at university. You can’t imagine how expensive it is... But it is my duty (of filial piety) towards my parents and family in Vietnam. (Trung, male, age late 30s, convenience shop owner, from Hai Duong)

Families in Vietnam also expect the second generation to be socialized into Vietnamese cultural norms and the family system. Like in the Vietnamese diaspora in the U. S. (Dinh et al., 1994), parents often emphasize preserving their children’s cultural roots for family cohesion. Our research reveals additional socio-economic and religious aspects.

From a socio-economic perspective, many first-generation migrants, having arrived in the Czech Republic in middle age, lack social insurance for retirement. As they invested in expanding their family business networks and bringing other family members to the Czech Republic, (32 of 43) first-generation respondents plan to pass their well-established businesses to their children in exchange for financial support and family care in their old age.

This strategy mirrors Vietnamese working-class migrants in Australia (Tran, 2019). By transferring their business to their children, parents also transfer their social obligations to their families in Vietnam. However, similar to the Vietnamese diaspora in Poland (Szymańska-Matusiewicz, 2016), Vietnamese parents in the Czech Republic believe that their system of social care and family cohesion is better preserved if their children marry co-ethnic partners who share the same socio-economic obligations and family duties. Additionally, patrilocal residence remains a central part of the family socio-economic system in Vietnam (Dao, 1938; Friedman et al., 2003), which also explains why, contrary to previous research by Svobodova and Janska (2016), the majority of parents in our study pressure their children into co-ethnic partnerships (31 of 43).

This socio-economic preference for co-ethnic partnerships among children differs from the religious aspects and superstitions observed by Lopatkova and Formankova (2022). The majority respondents from the first generation (40 of 43) mentioned that the Vietnamese ancestor cult is important to them, and they believe that only the family’s male heirs (usually the oldest son) can properly represent the family and successfully worship the ancestors (Nguyen, 2015; Szymańska-Matusiewicz, 2016). This may seem like an outdated concept, but for many in the diaspora, it remains a reality:

I know my boys might grow up and marry someone (a Czech girl). But I want to guide them from the beginning to marry Vietnamese girls. I am the only son of my father, and I must continue the family line. I understand the chance is slim, but how can I face my ancestors if no one will pray at our ancestor altar? If I’m lucky, one of them will fulfill my wish. And what about the next generation? My grandchildren? I hope for a miracle. (Lam, male, age late 30s, restaurant owner, from Hai Duong)

Contrary to Svobodová (2024), our research indicates that parents’ strong preference and pressure for inter-ethnic marriages often lead to significant intra-generational conflicts. Unlike previous findings by Svobodová and Janská (2016), our research does not show a strong preference for co-ethnic partners among second-generation Vietnamese Czechs. Many young people in our study (21 of 35) report multiple romantic relationships with Czech/non-Vietnamese partners that their parents strongly oppose.

Most respondents were raised by Czech nannies and participated in the Czech educational system. Consequently, they internalize Czech cultural values, are fluent in Czech (often speaking it better than Vietnamese), are equipped with English as a second language, and receive full citizenship upon reaching adulthood (Lopatkova and Formankova, 2022). As a result, they tend to be more individualistic than their parents and often choose different life strategies (Vu and Rook, 2013; Nguyen, 2015). Many prefer to establish their own businesses or work in Czech companies and institutions, viewing work related to the Vietnamese ethnic economy as a failure:

Why should I use my university education to sell the same goods as my parents? For my mother, it’s a pleasure to brag about working with them and earning money. But I want to do something meaningful that satisfies me, not just earn money for my family. (Ha, female, age late 20s, graduated from a medical school in England)

Similar to Vietnamese communities in the U.S. and Poland (Cao, 2013; Szymańska-Matusiewicz, 2016), children are usually willing to provide financial support to their aging parents but maintain only loose connections with relatives in Vietnam and are reluctant to support them financially. The choice of a romantic or marital partner is considered a private matter by the second generation and is often made against their parents’ wishes, leading to severe intra-generational conflicts:

When my daughter introduced her (Czech) boyfriend to us, I thought I had lost her forever. My husband was furious, and we told her to break up with him. We fought a lot, but she didn’t listen… I fear I may truly lose her. (Hoa, female, age late 40s, Vietnamese restaurant owner, from Thanh Hoa)

As a result, second-generation participants frequently endure prolonged conflicts with their parents over relationships with Czech partners. Parents may threaten disinheritance or expulsion from the family, and in some cases, threaten suicide. They may also attempt to introduce co-ethnic partners during the relationship or send their children back to Vietnam for study, hoping the relationship will not survive the separation. These conflicts generally persist until the romantic relationship ends (In formation from Vietnamese Diaspora, 2021, 2022, 2023).

Conclusion

The article illustrates how the socio-economic vulnerability of first-generation Vietnamese migrants has shaped their family businesses in the Czech Republic and highlights how and why they maintain transnational patterns within diasporic families. According to Berry’s (1997, 2008) model of four acculturation strategies, first-generation migrants often reject the dominant Czech culture in favor of preserving Vietnamese culture, integrating their children into family business networks. These networks primarily consist of family-run transnational enterprises grounded in traditional Vietnamese socio-economic models. However, the research indicates that diasporic family life is also governed by traditional Vietnamese culture and religious practices.

All family members benefit from this system: parents gain relatively stable financial conditions, children receive financial support for education, and relatives in Vietnam receive support through remittances or invitations to work in the Czech Republic (In formation from Vietnamese Diaspora, 2021, 2022, 2023). However, parents have limited access to the Czech Republic’s social welfare system (Mai and Kraus, 2024). With the hope that the second generation, who are granted Czech citizenship, will maintain the family system—including caring for aging parents and financially supporting relatives in Vietnam (Le et al., 2011)—most first-generation respondents plan to pass their businesses to their children. To ensure a smooth intergenerational transition, parents believe in preserving the socio-cultural homogeneity of the family, often arranging intra-ethnic marriages for their children.

The research reveals that a significant majority of parents encourage their children to form co-ethnic partnerships. However, the second generation, having grown up in a different socio-cultural environment, has internalized values different from their parents. While young people may be willing to contribute to the family’s financial security and care for aging parents, they assert that the choice of partner and other life decisions, such as occupation, should be their own. This aligns with the findings of Pham and Kraus (2024) and Kraus and Mai (2023, 2024). Although the second generation does not necessarily seek Czech partners, they have different socio-economic expectations and life strategies than their parents. Consequently, they may not be interested in maintaining the family’s transnational business networks, particularly those involving relatives in Vietnam.

Our research reveals that intergenerational conflicts stem not only from unmet expectations on both sides but also from the socio-economic uncertainties associated with migrant status and culturally embedded beliefs. Future research on intergenerational conflicts within the Vietnamese diaspora should aim to better understand the cultural and religious aspects of these conflicts. Additionally, exploring aspects of class, gender, and identity roles in intra-generational conflicts should be more thoroughly analyzed.

Notes

The article was written as a part of, and is dedicated to, a Standard research project, “Negotiating Intra-ethnic Partnerships and Intra-Generational Conflicts within the Czech Vietnamese Diaspora” no. 21-22398S, financially supported by the Grant Agency of the Czech Republic.

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Article information Continued

Table 1

Respondents’ general information

Diasporic generations Age range Total number Gender Educational background Employment
First Generation 30–65 43 22 Male, 21 Female 20% college and above education; 50% high school education; 30% secondary school education 43/43 businessman
1.5 and Second Generation 21–28 35 15 Male, 17 Female, 3 LGBT+ 20% university students; 14% basic education; 66% vocational school, university and higher education 22/35 employed; 6/22 work in ethnic economy (Vietnamese restaurant, market); 16/22 in Czech service and industrial sectors

(Source: Authors)