The Livelihood Activities of the Ruc People in Vietnam have Shifted from Traditional Ecological Adaptation to Facing Challenges Caused by Environmental Changes
Article information
Abstract
Background and objective
This article examines the transformation of the livelihoods of the Ruc people, a minority ethnic group in Vietnam, as they shift from traditional agriculture—adapted to their natural environment—to new livelihood activities while confronting environmental challenges. The study aims to understand how natural and social environmental changes impact the livelihoods of the Ruc people and to explore their adaptation strategies.
Methods
The research employs participant observation and in-depth interviews within the community to gather detailed data. The theoretical framework of political ecology in new ecological anthropology is applied to analyze the intricate relationships between humans and their environment, along with the influence of economic, cultural, and political factors on the Ruc people's livelihoods.
Results
The results indicate that state policies have led to fundamental changes in the livelihoods of the Ruc people, contributing to the stabilization and development of their way of life. However, the community also faces challenges due to fluctuations in the natural and social environment. Forest protection regulations and climate change have significantly impacted the traditional farming and livestock practices of the Ruc people. These factors have decreased agricultural productivity, land scarcity, and conflicts over land use. The Ruc community faces major challenges in maintaining their traditional livelihoods under increasing pressure from environmental changes.
Conclusion
The study highlights the importance of developing supportive policies to assist the Ruc people in effectively transitioning their livelihoods. Specific interventions are needed to support sustainable livelihoods while preserving Ruc's ecological knowledge and cultural identity. The findings and recommendations from this research are valuable for designing sustainable development programs for minority communities in Vietnam, especially in the context of increasing climate change and environmental challenges.
Introduction
Vietnam is home to 54 ethnic groups, with most ethnic minorities residing in mountainous and remote areas where the natural environment plays a vital role in sustaining their livelihoods. The traditional livelihood activities of these communities, such as shifting cultivation and natural resource extraction, reflect a deep harmony with the environment and a rich body of indigenous knowledge on resource management, passed down through generations. However, over the past three decades, ethnic minority communities in Vietnam have experienced significant shifts in their livelihoods, transitioning from traditional practices to a market-based economy. Environmental changes, resource depletion, and government development policies have posed numerous challenges to these communities, forcing them to adapt to new conditions. The Ruc people, a minority group of the Chut ethnic community living in Minh Hoa district, Quang Binh province, exemplify this transformation (Fig. 1).
Map of Thuong Hoa Commune, Minh Hoa District, Quang Binh Province, Vietnam.
The Ruc are one of five sub-groups of the Chut ethnic group, which includes the Ruc, Sach, May, Ma Lieng, and A Rem, residing in the mountainous areas of Thuong Hoa commune, Minh Hoa district, near the Vietnam-Laos border. As of May 2024, their population consists of approximately 150 households, with about 600 people living in three villages: On, Yen Hop, and Mo O - O O, where the Ruc are most concentrated. Initially discovered living in caves in the Phong Nha - Ke Bang area in 1959, with a population of 34, the Ruc were later resettled by the government and gradually integrated into the local community. According to Vo Xuan Trang (1998) and community interviews, before 1959, the Ruc lived in isolation deep within the forest, relying on natural resource exploitation through hunting and gathering, maintaining an ancient way of life. After being encouraged to leave the forest, they were resettled in Hop Hoa, Thuong Hoa commune, and engaged in agricultural production through cooperatives established in the 1960s. However, during the war period, due to a lack of attention from local authorities and difficult living conditions, they returned to a more primitive lifestyle. After the war, resettlement policies were implemented, encouraging the Ruc to live in centralized communities, leading to significant changes in their economic and cultural life.
Since the 1990s, various socio-economic development programs, such as Program 134, Program 135, Decision 2086, and Resolution 88, have introduced significant projects aimed at improving infrastructure, poverty alleviation, and enhancing healthcare and education for the Ruc people. The implementation of these policies has influenced all aspects of the Ruc community's life, leading to positive changes in their awareness, production practices, and agricultural and livestock structures, gradually improving their material and spiritual well-being. However, the effectiveness of these policies has not met expectations. The Ruc people continue to face numerous challenges: the prohibition of swidden farming and the exploitation of forest resources have severely affected their livelihoods. As they transition to new livelihood strategies, they confront the challenges of climate change, including floods and droughts, coupled with population growth and increasing food demands, while forest resources become scarcer.
Since their discovery in 1959, the Ruc people have attracted significant attention from researchers such as Nguyễn Bình (1961), Mạc Đường (1963), Nguyễn Đình Khoa (1969), Phạm Đức Dương (1975), Tạ Long (1975), Nguyễn Văn Lợi (1988), Trần Trí Dõi (1995), Nguyễn Văn Mạnh (1996), Võ Xuân Trang (1998), Nguyễn Ngọc Thanh (2002), and Đinh Thanh Dự (2009). These studies primarily focused on the Ruc's origins, language, production practices, culture, lifestyle, and to a lesser extent, their worldview. Collectively, they provided an overview of the development and cultural identity of the Ruc people, yet most of this research only covered the period before the 2000s. In recent years, Trần Tấn Đăng Long (2019, 2023) contributed further insights into the profound shifts in the livelihoods of the Ruc, framed within the broader socio-economic development context of Vietnam. Long argues that state development policies and changes in the natural environment have gradually introduced the Ruc to new economic activities, such as farming and livestock raising, which have improved their quality of life and facilitated their integration into the larger society. However, these changes have also posed new challenges for the community. While this body of work provides updated information on the modern-day transformations of the Ruc, it still lacks an in-depth analysis of the environmental impacts on the community.
In ethnic cultural studies, the natural environment is a critical factor as it plays a decisive role in shaping and developing the cultures of different groups, contributing to regional cultural diversity. The concept of cultural ecology, developed by researchers like Julian Steward (1955), Marvin Harris (1966), and Roy Rappaport (1967), seeks to understand how ethnic groups adapt to their natural environments. Steward emphasized that social organization reflects the adaptation to environmental conditions, while Harris applied the cultural ecology approach to explore the links between culture and environment, stressing the importance of understanding cultural practices within their ecological context. Rappaport, on the other hand, focused on the role of rituals in managing resources and maintaining social stability.
Further expanding on this research, authors like Napoleon Chagnon (1993) and Salzman (2004) highlighted how ethnic groups such as the Yanomami rely on agricultural and hunting activities to mediate their relationship with the environment. These perspectives underscore that not only production systems but also social and religious organizations are crucial in adapting to harsh environmental conditions. In Vietnam, Ngô Thị Phương Lan (2016) specifically examined cultural ecological adaptation, focusing on cultural shifts amidst globalization and environmental change. This view opens new avenues for studying how the Ruc people adapt to modern environmental factors, though it has yet to be thoroughly analyzed.
Since the mid-1990s, environmental studies have expanded to incorporate various new perspectives, particularly in the fields of ecological anthropology and environmental anthropology. Conrad Phillip Kottak (1999) emphasized that ecological anthropology should go beyond examining production systems to include an analysis of the roles played by policy, markets, and international organizations in managing and regulating human-environment relationships. Nguyễn Công Thảo (2013) compared the development of ecological anthropology between the West and Vietnam, asserting that contemporary research must focus on the impact of environmental change on ethnic communities. Jared Diamond (1999, 2011) argued that geographical environmental factors play a critical role in the rise and fall of civilizations. These arguments are highly valuable in expanding the analysis of environmental changes affecting the Ruc community, especially as they face new challenges such as declining forest resources and population growth.
The shift in livelihoods has not only impacted their economic situation but also threatened the long-term sustainability of the community. Ruc households have become increasingly vulnerable, with limited access to land, livelihoods, and employment opportunities. Thus, a deeper examination of the Ruc people's struggles in adapting to the new environment is more critical than ever. This study focuses on understanding the livelihood transitions of the Ruc people, from their traditional ecological adaptation model to confronting challenges brought by environmental changes in the new context. It employs in-depth interviews and participant observation to explore how the Ruc people's livelihoods have transformed under the influence of both natural and social environmental changes, while also proposing solutions to support more sustainable development in the future.
Research Methods
Theoretical research approach
In “The New Ecological Anthropology” (1999), Conrad P. Kottak examines the evolution of ecological anthropology in response to population growth and the global dissemination of information and culture. The field has transitioned from a sole focus on ecological systems to a broader consideration of cultural, social, and political factors. Kottak introduces a multi-level model for exploring human-environment interactions, from individual to global scales, emphasizing how population dynamics and global mobility have reshaped ecological landscapes and influenced policies and economic conditions.
In this new framework, the “Political Ecology” approach analyzes human-environment relationships within their political and economic contexts. It posits that environmental issues arise from political, economic, and social factors, not merely ecological ones. Political ecology investigates how power dynamics, injustices, and social conflicts affect the management of environmental resources, often placing marginalized groups at a greater risk of environmental degradation. Paul Robbins, in “Political Ecology: A Critical Introduction” (2019), critiques traditional ecological approaches for overlooking these social, political, and economic dimensions, advocating for a more integrated perspective that acknowledges the dynamic interplay between environmental and social elements.
From a political ecology standpoint, the changes in the livelihoods and culture of the Ruc people are shaped by policies, environmental factors, and external influences. Settlement policies, resource exploitation, and economic development disrupt their traditional ways of life and social structures. Inadequate development policies can lead to injustices and conflicts, while climate change, natural disasters, and resource degradation further impact their livelihoods. Market dynamics also affect their production methods and daily lives. Research in political ecology offers insights into how economic, political, and environmental factors shape their experiences, thereby informing the development of equitable and sustainable policies.
Research methodology
This study employs an ethnographic fieldwork methodology combined with a political ecology approach to comprehensively analyze the livelihoods of the Ruc community within the context of environmental, social, political, and economic influences. The study aims to explore how the livelihood activities of the Ruc people in Vietnam have shifted from traditional ecological adaptation to confronting challenges caused by environmental changes.
The research process was meticulously organized through several stages, beginning with the development of data collection tools such as questionnaires, interview guides, and fieldwork schedules. Four field surveys were conducted between 2018 and 2023. Data were gathered through key methods, including in-depth interviews with 50 individuals from various groups, direct participant observation of livelihood activities, and retrospective interviews with village elders. These methods were integrated to ensure comprehensive and objective data collection. The collected data were subsequently validated through comparison with secondary sources such as reports, survey data, and comparative analysis of past and present livelihood changes. This validation process enhances the reliability of the information and provides a multidimensional view of the transformations in the livelihoods of the Ruc community.
The author carried out four fieldwork surveys: the first from July 5 to July 11, 2018; the second from December 18 to December 24, 2019; the third from February 15 to February 22, 2022; and the fourth from April 28 to May 5, 2023. The research process included preparing tools such as questionnaires, field schedules, interview plans, and technical equipment to support the data collection process (Fig. 2).
Diagram of the research methodology process.
In-depth interviews
This method was used to gather data on the community's lifestyle, perceptions, and livelihood practices of the Ruc people over time. A purposive sampling approach combined with convenience sampling was employed to ensure representativeness, without limiting the sample size. In total, the author conducted interviews with 50 individuals representing Ruc households in three villages: Ón, Yên Hợp, and Mò O-Ồ. The selection criteria included age, gender, and diverse livelihood experiences to reflect the comprehensive changes in livelihoods within the community. Interviewees ranged from men and women aged 18 and above, with a significant proportion aged 50–70, as they have deep knowledge of the community's culture and history. Additionally, interviews were extended to Kinh and Sách households, as well as local government officials at the district and commune levels, and border guard officers from Cà Xèng Station, to study the impact of state policies and inter-community relations. The interviews focused on reconstructing livelihood activities and the factors influencing changes in the economic, cultural, and social structures of The Ruc people. Individuals with extensive knowledge and research experience on The Ruc were also interviewed to compare and crosscheck information, ensuring data accuracy and reliability. Retrospective interviews with elders provided a vivid picture of The Ruc community's economic, cultural, social life, and ecological environment across historical periods, highlighting significant changes due to environmental factors and state policies. All data from interviews and observations were recorded and meticulously documented, then compiled into detailed field notes for analysis and writing.
Participant observation
This method was used to complement the interviews, allowing for a clearer understanding of livelihood activities and the relationship between The Ruc people and their natural environment. The research team directly participated in various livelihood activities such as farming, harvesting, and fishing, and observed daily life within The Ruc community. These observations took place at different times, providing an overall view of changes in the Rục’s economic and social life.
In addition to field data, secondary sources such as reports, statistics, and related research were utilized for comparison and supplementation. Through the combination of these methods, the study not only reconstructs the changes in the livelihood activities of The Ruc people but also provides a comprehensive understanding of the factors affecting them, from the natural environment to state policies. These findings serve as a foundation for proposing policies to support The Ruc community in addressing future challenges.
Results
The Ruc people in the process of traditional ecological adaptation
The Ruc people inhabit the valleys nestled between the mountain ranges within the core zone of Phong Nha-Kẻ Bàng National Park, located in Thượng Hóa commune, Minh Hóa district, Quảng Bình province. Their close relationship with the forested environment has shaped their distinctive cultural practices and livelihood strategies. The Ruc utilize forest resources and have developed social and cultural systems aligned with the environmental conditions. Due to their small population and scattered settlements across vast areas, they rely on hunting and gathering to sustain a subsistence economy. Additionally, they practice slash-and-burn agriculture, cultivating upland rice, corn, and beans, while also raising livestock and poultry to supplement their livelihoods.
Exploiting natural resources
Previous studies by Mạc Đường (1963), Nguyễn Ngọc Thanh and Vi Văn An (1991), Trần Trí Dõi (1995), Nguyễn Văn Mạnh (1996), Võ Xuân Trang (1998), and others have emphasized that hunting has been a crucial economic activity for the Rục, significantly contributing to their food security alongside swidden agriculture. Hunting occurs yearround and provides essential sustenance, with the crossbow being the primary tool. Animals commonly hunted include tigers, civets, monkeys, wild chickens, and antelopes, among others. Beyond food provision, hunting also serves to protect crops. The Ruc employ various traps, such as spear traps, pitfall traps, and noose traps, to catch large game like wild boars and bears, as well as smaller animals like martens and porcupines. Trap-making and the preparation of poisoned arrows are meticulous processes that enhance the efficiency of hunting.
“CXM, an experienced hunter, shared that the Rục’s traditional hunting tools are diverse, ranging from poisoned crossbows to intricate traps. Traps are the most important hunting tools, with various types used depending on the prey. For example, “to ho” and “voòng” traps are often used to hunt large animals such as wild boars and bears. These traps function by tightening ropes or triggering mechanisms to ensnare the animal. Other traps, such as clamp traps, are commonly used for small game.
I still vividly remember the times I went hunting with people from my village. When I was young, the forests of Minh Hóa were dense and home to many tigers. Once, I went with my father and a few others from the cave and we hunted a large tiger. Early that morning, we went to a cave and encountered a fierce tiger, larger than two sacks of rice. We surrounded it and shot poisoned arrows. After about an hour, the tiger died. We butchered it on the spot and brought the meat back to the village to share,” recalled CXM (male, born in 1960, Mò O Ồ Ồ village, December 2019).
Hunting not only provided abundant food but also fostered unique customs and rituals. Hunting trips lasted several days and were usually organized in groups of 4 to 7 people, with the game evenly distributed among participants. This practice reflects a strong sense of community and solidarity among group members. However, by the late 20th century, Ruc hunting activities began to decline due to government policies on forest and wildlife protection. The forest areas that once served as the primary hunting grounds for The Ruc were incorporated into the Phong Nha-Kẻ Bàng National Park, and hunting was banned to protect endangered species. In addition, the 1985 Law on Forest Protection and Wildlife Conservation, and particularly the 1991 Law on Forest Protection and Development, have led to restrictions on forest resource exploitation, prompting The Ruc to transition to new livelihood forms such as farming and livestock raising. According to an elder Ruc member, overhunting, especially by professional Kinh hunters, caused a decline in wildlife populations. The Ruc, with their small-scale hunting, had a minimal impact on animal numbers. Today, they no longer hunt as they once did, focusing instead on agriculture and animal husbandry.
Gathering remains another economic activity reliant on natural resources. Before engaging with the military and leaving the forest in 1960, the Ruc primarily gathered wild vegetables and edible plants, including the “đoác” tree (a type of palm), “ten” tubers, and “nau” tubers (Kom). Scholar Võ Xuân Trang (1998) noted that the Ruc were skilled in extracting starch from the đoác, “dung dinh” tree, and “xe” tree, each providing different nutritional benefits. The đoác became a staple food source, sustaining many generations. They would use axes to check the starch content of the trees, then extract, dry, and pound it into powder, which was mixed with boiling water to create a sticky paste known as “Bot nhuc.” Although “bot nhu” is no longer a primary food source, it was vital during years of poor harvests or rice shortages. The Ruc also collected valuable forest products like shiitake mushrooms, wood ear mushrooms, bamboo shoots, and rattan. Gathering tools included baskets and knives, with women primarily responsible for gathering and men focusing on chopping trees and digging tubers. Today, they also cultivate vegetables and bamboo shoots near their homes to supplement their diet.
Natural resource exploitation continues to play a significant role in the lives of the Ruc, especially in the context of unstable agricultural production. Their way of life is directly influenced by the environment, and through a cultural-ecological lens, it is evident that they have adapted to and improved their surroundings using their cultural knowledge to meet their survival needs. Their understanding of flora, fauna, weather, and natural phenomena enables them to predict and respond to environmental changes, demonstrated by their effective use of natural resources and techniques developed from their long-standing forest living.
Swidden agriculture
Swidden agriculture has been the primary method of cultivation for the Ruc people, alongside natural resource exploitation, similar to other Chứt ethnic groups. According to studies by Trần Trí Dõi (1995) and Võ Xuân Trang (1998), the Ruc began cultivating upland rice after they settled. Since the 1960s, under the guidance of local authorities in forest development for swidden farming, this activity has become increasingly widespread and vital to their livelihoods.
For swidden farming, the Ruc selects old, dense forested areas with abundant vegetation. According to their traditional beliefs, they avoid lands with large, wide-canopied trees or vines, fearing disturbances to forest spirits. The chosen land usually has a moderate slope, ideal for rice cultivation, while flatter areas are reserved for crops such as maize, sweet potatoes, and cassava. The task of selecting and clearing land is typically the responsibility of the head of the family and the eldest son. Swidden farming is carried out in cycles: from February to March of the lunar calendar, they cut trees, and by the end of April, they burn the cleared land. After burning, they use sticks to poke holes and sow seeds. Upland rice is usually grown in a single annual crop, planted from May to June, and harvested between September and October. During the rice-growing season, the Ruc build temporary huts near the fields to monitor the crops and set traps to prevent birds and wild animals from damaging them. Labor exchange systems also exist among Ruc families, where they assist each other with labor-intensive tasks like land clearing and harvesting. However, due to limited care for the crops, rice yields are typically low.
“When we clear land for rice, after 2–3 years, we move to a new plot and plant maize and cassava on the old one. The weeds grow too fast to cultivate rice for long. Even after burning, they come back. In other areas, when we burn tall trees, the weeds don't return. Each field produces 10–15 bags of rice, depending on the family, one crop per year. Because there's no fertilization like nowadays, yields are low. After harvesting, the rice is stored in the attic and threshed bit by bit, then carried home. It usually takes 5–6 days to finish threshing a plot, and in dry weather, the rice doesn’t need drying,” (CÊ, male, born 1946, Ruc people, Mò O-Ồ Ồ Village, July 2018).
After 2–3 years of cultivation, when the soil becomes depleted, the Ruc move to clear new fields, leaving the old ones to grow other crops such as maize, cassava, and sweet potatoes to supplement their food supply. They use natural irrigation from streams and adapt to harsh conditions. From the 2000s onward, the law prohibiting deforestation for swidden farming was strictly enforced, and the Ruc shifted to growing crops, wet rice, and planting acacia trees on stable plots.
Today, the Ruc continue practicing swidden farming, especially for crops like maize, cassava, and sweet potatoes, but the number of swidden plots has significantly decreased due to government regulations against deforestation. They now farm on fixed plots rather than practicing shifting cultivation as before. Households that have transitioned to wet rice cultivation still simultaneously grow short-term crops like maize and cassava on their swidden plots. Each family typically maintains 1–2 swidden plots in the forest and a small field near streams or the village. Although clearing new swidden plots is increasingly difficult due to strict monitoring by forest rangers, some households continue to clear land illegally to plant acacia, despite violating forest protection laws, particularly in long-standing forests. However, as acacia trees provide economic benefits for some families, they persist in clearing the forest for acacia plantations as a supplementary income source, despite the legal risks, as shared by a local resident.
The Ruc people adapt to the impacts of environmental changes
Context of Vietnam
Since the 1990s, Vietnam has undergone significant transformations, largely due to the impact of the Đổi Mới (Renovation) policies, globalization, cultural exchanges, and advancements in science and technology. Initiated in 1986, Đổi Mới marked Vietnam’s shift from a centrally planned economy to a socialist-oriented market economy. These reforms opened the country to foreign investment, boosted exports, and spurred rapid economic growth. However, international integration and globalization have brought not only opportunities but also challenges for the country’s ethnic minority groups.
Several studies have highlighted how economic development policies have created employment opportunities and raised income levels, benefiting the general population, including ethnic minorities. Rural development programs, poverty reduction projects, and investments in infrastructure, such as roads, electricity, water supply, and schools, have significantly improved living conditions. Educational reforms, including incentives for schooling, have enhanced literacy and educational attainment among ethnic minority children. Alongside these improvements, expanded healthcare services have reduced maternal and child mortality rates.
Despite these gains, ethnic minorities continue to face numerous challenges. Climate change and the depletion of natural resources have profoundly impacted their livelihoods. Many communities, reliant on agriculture and forest resources, confront natural disasters such as droughts and floods, as well as decreasing agricultural yields. The degradation of natural resources directly threatens their traditional livelihoods and cultural practices.
The advancement of science, technology, and information has brought numerous benefits to minority communities, facilitating better access to information and public services. However, challenges persist in the adoption of new technologies due to limited knowledge and skills, exacerbating the digital divide between developed and underdeveloped regions. Moreover, the disparity in living standards and income between ethnic minorities and the majority population remains significant, restricting the potential for sustainable development within minority communities. Government policies and environmental factors have had both positive and negative impacts on ethnic minorities, with the Ruc people serving as a notable example of these influences.
The impact of policy on the Ruc people
Living in rugged and harsh mountainous terrain, the Ruc community has faced numerous challenges, from isolation and difficult transportation to economic self-sufficiency and seclusion. In response, the government gradually provided support and guidance to help the Ruc people transition their livelihoods, aiming to improve their standard of living and mitigate deforestation. Authorities promoted settlement and stability for the Ruc by establishing production cooperatives in the 1960s and teaching them sustainable economic practices. However, during this period, Vietnam was in the midst of a war, which caused significant difficulties for the population. Local authorities also did not adequately prioritize support for ethnic minorities during this time.
After the war, the Ruc people's lives saw little improvement, as the country was still recovering from the aftermath. They continued to rely heavily on the forest for their livelihood. The government initiated centralization policies, creating national parks, forest reserves, and state-run forestry enterprises. Land and forests were legally transferred from the community to state agencies. In the 1990s, policies banning shifting cultivation were introduced, alongside the Land Law, which was first enacted in 1987 and subsequently amended in 1993, 2003, and 2013. Despite the implementation of the Land Law, the issuance of land use certificates to the community has not been fully realized. Ruc households reported that, since the government's restrictions on forest clearance for cultivation, they have faced a shortage of arable land. This land scarcity has made it difficult to sustain livelihoods and preserve the community's cultural heritage.
Since the 1990s, both the government and non-governmental organizations have shown special interest in the development of the Ruc community. According to Vo Xuan Trang (2012), from 1990 to 1992, the Vietnamese Brotherhood Association and Heks sponsored various support policies, including the construction of a 15 km road from Cu Nhăng to near Yen Hop, upgrading schools and health stations, and purchasing books and school supplies for students. These projects led to noticeable improvements in the lives of the Ruc people. However, after the Vietnamese Brotherhood Association ceased support, many of the advancements were not sustained. Between 1993 and 2010, support projects for the Ruc were managed by the Provincial Committee for Ethnic Affairs, and since 2010, the Border Guard Command of Quang Binh Province has overseen them. These initiatives focused on developing transportation, agricultural production, education, and healthcare. Housing construction, well-digging, and electricity supply through small hydropower stations have further contributed to improved living conditions. Program 135 invested over 20 billion VND in infrastructure development for Ruc villages from 2002 to 2003. Subsequently, Program 134 supported the construction of housing and provided land and clean water for the Ruc people (pp. 201–219).
The projects focused on developing transportation, agricultural production, education, and healthcare. Ruc households were supported with the construction of houses, the digging of wells to access clean water, and the installation of small hydropower stations to provide electricity for daily living. Additionally, according to interviews with the leadership of Thuong Hoa commune and former village heads, between 2002 and 2003, Program 135 invested over 20 billion VND in infrastructure development in Ruc villages. Key projects included the road to On village, the electrical system for Yen Hop - Mo O - O O villages, healthcare stations, and schools ranging from preschool to secondary levels. Subsequently, Program 134 helped construct hundreds of solid houses for the Ruc in 2004 and 2005. Program 134 continued to provide land, housing, and clean water for the Ruc, with each phase of assistance tailored to the specific needs and conditions of individual families.
The state's development policies have had a significantly positive impact on the Ruc community. However, there are still areas that require further improvement to enhance and stabilize their livelihoods. Some later support projects attracted attention from organizations and the government but faced challenges in implementation and did not achieve the desired outcomes, partly due to a lack of awareness and consensus within the community.
Local agricultural development programs concentrated on providing equipment, and crop varieties such as corn, rice, pepper, and tea, alongside technical guidance from specialists to enhance the Ruc people's capacity for self-sufficient farming. A notable example is the Ruc Lan irrigation project in Mo O - O O village, with a total budget of 4.42 billion VND, aimed at improving irrigation systems for wet rice cultivation. According to interviews, approximately 80% of households in Mo O - O O village engaged in wet rice farming. Meanwhile, the Ruc people in On and Yen Hop villages, who lacked rice paddy land, primarily cultivated crops on swidden fields. Support programs for crops, livestock, and technical training have significantly contributed to improving the economic conditions of the Ruc people.
Particularly, the assistance of soldiers from the Ca Xeng Border Guard Station in guiding wet rice farming techniques since 2010 has enabled the Mo O - O O villagers to make substantial progress in self-sufficient agricultural production. Initially, the Ruc participated only minimally in the rice cultivation process, but with ongoing support, they gradually gained full control over all stages, from land preparation and planting to harvesting. This has played a crucial role in strengthening the community's food self-sufficiency. According to a border guard officer, “In 2012, the Ca Xeng Border Guard Station supported the Ruc in growing wet rice. Initially, they were not proactive and waited for the weather. However, the Ruc people’s agricultural awareness, particularly in wet rice farming, has shown significant improvement,” (NVS, 42 years old, Kinh ethnic group, officer at Ca Xeng Border Guard Station, February 2022).
In addition to rice cultivation, the planting of acacia trees has become a popular choice due to its high economic value in the timber market. This activity not only provides a stable income but is also well-suited to the natural conditions of Minh Hóa. However, dependence on acacia cultivation carries risks, including soil degradation and vulnerability to weather conditions. One household reported that about a quarter of the Ruc households engage in acacia planting, but the unclear division of land has led some families to purchase land or plant acacia on old swidden fields. Mr. L, who owns about 3 hectares of acacia plantation, mentioned that although the income from each harvest is around 100 million VND, acacia planting faces numerous challenges, such as damage by livestock and high investment costs. This results in lower profits, and many disadvantaged households are unable to participate due to a lack of land and capital.
Besides cultivation, the Ruc people also engage in animal husbandry, which has become an important part of their economy, especially after their livelihoods stabilized. Government support for livestock and technical training programs in animal husbandry has brought about positive changes. The number of households raising cattle and pigs has steadily increased. Livestock farming not only provides food but also serves as a source of capital reserves for the community, complementing cultivation and natural resource extraction. Common livestock include cattle, pigs, chickens, and ducks, although the quantities are not large. Traditional free-range livestock farming remains prevalent, where cattle are released into the forest to graze and care for themselves. This method is still common due to the mountainous terrain and natural conditions of the area. Currently, some households have adopted a more structured method, building shelters for their cattle and releasing them into the forest for grazing during the day, then bringing them back in the evening. However, practices like cutting grass and providing nutritious feed for the cattle are still uncommon. Animal husbandry is not yet fully integrated into agricultural activities, and benefits such as draft power and manure as fertilizer are not fully utilized. Many Ruc people continue to maintain free-range livestock farming. Survey data indicates that about 40% of households raise cattle, with most owning only one, a few owning two to three, and a small number owning five to seven. Initially, the government provided each Ruc household with a cow for farming. Some families sold their cattle for cash, while others continued to raise them, allowing the cattle population to grow. Some families have purchased additional cattle from others, increasing their herds to as many as ten animals.
In addition to raising cattle, the Ruc people also rely on forest resources for their livelihoods, including collecting firewood and hunting small game such as squirrels, weasels, and rats. They also harvest products from streams, such as fish, snails, crabs, shrimp, snakes, turtles, and frogs, to supplement their food sources.
Despite the positive improvements brought by agricultural development policies, there remain certain limitations. According to Mr. ĐXD, a folklore researcher, local authorities have not fully recognized the role of the Ruc people in development projects, resulting in support programs that have not achieved the expected outcomes. He remarked, “The authorities still view the Ruc people as forest-dwellers, not yet civilized, so the assistance provided is more of a handout than a collaboration” (ĐXD, male, Kinh ethnic group, born in 1943, July 2023).
Challenges in adapting to new livelihood activities
In their transition to new livelihood activities, the Ruc people face numerous challenges, ranging from natural conditions to psychological and labor habits, as well as a lack of the necessary knowledge and skills required for modern economic practices. While external support is crucial, real sustainable economic change must come from within the community itself. Particularly in agricultural production, although they have recently shifted to wet rice cultivation, they encounter a series of difficulties such as acid sulfate soils, drought, pests, and damage caused by cattle and wild animals, leading to unstable rice yields. Harsh weather conditions exacerbate these challenges, with summer droughts causing water shortages and harsh winters with drizzling rain directly impacting crop productivity and the morale of the people. One household reported that several families, after a few years of rice farming, opted to switch to crops like corn, cassava, and peanuts, or even abandoned their fields. As a result, the number of rice-growing households decreased from 74 to 48, largely due to the heavy reliance on natural factors and labor. However, a deeper cause of this issue lies in the unstable work ethic within the community. According to a resident: “The poor households are poor because they don’t farm. They are allocated land, but they don’t work on it... They have the time, but they don’t work. The men just drink in the morning... Most of the labor is done by the women,” (LĐS, 45 years old, Kinh ethnic group, border patrol soldier, July 2023). This highlights a lack of initiative in engaging with new livelihood activities.
Despite support from the government and various organizations, the implementation of economic development policies faces many obstacles, primarily due to the community's slow adaptation to new production methods and their reliance on old practices. The Ruc people live in remote mountainous areas, with a lifestyle deeply connected to nature. As a result, transitioning to modern methods of wet rice cultivation or livestock farming presents significant challenges. Practices such as free-range animal husbandry and natural-dependent farming are still prevalent, hindering the success of economic policies.
One of the major challenges in animal husbandry is the impact of weather, and free-range practices make cattle vulnerable to getting lost or dying in the forest, especially during the rainy season. As one Ruc resident noted: “Cattle are raised freely in the forest without pens, they find food on their own, and sometimes they die in the forest without us knowing.” Additionally, some families, after receiving cattle as part of government support, sold them for immediate cash rather than growing their herds, reducing the effectiveness of support programs. Another contributing factor is the Ruc people's skepticism towards new crops and production methods. They tend to maintain subsistence farming, growing only what they consider edible, rather than high-value cash crops. “After they are trained in new crop varieties, they don’t pay attention. Once the training is over, that’s it. Whatever crops they can eat, they will grow,” (CXL, male, Ruc ethnic group, 32 years old, July 2023).
The transition from a subsistence economy to a market-based economy has also posed significant challenges for the Ruc people. They must navigate changes in trade and commerce, requiring new skills and an understanding of the market. However, a lack of training in new agricultural techniques has made it difficult to adopt economic development policies. Although there is support from the government and forces like the border patrol soldiers, the Ruc people still lack the self-reliance needed to sustain livelihood activities in a stable and enduring manner.
Challenges caused by the natural environment
In recent years, the Central Vietnam region, particularly Quang Binh province, has encountered numerous significant livelihood challenges stemming from environmental impacts. Floods, droughts, and storms have disrupted lives and caused extensive damage to communities. The steep terrain, interspersed with rivers and streams, makes Central Vietnam particularly susceptible to extreme weather events, which directly affect agriculture and traditional livelihoods. According to Bui Minh Dao (2012), the central provinces grapple with various difficulties due to their natural conditions. The harsh climate, characterized by cold winter winds, hot summer breezes, and irregular storms, combined with unevenly distributed rainfall throughout the year, leads to considerable destruction. The region’s coastal proximity exacerbates the impact of climate change, resulting in sudden floods. This unique geographical position leaves Central Vietnam vulnerable to global climate fluctuations. Rugged terrain can generate tornadoes and flash floods, which damage homes and crops, disrupt territorial cohesion, and widen the wealth gap between coastal plains and mountainous areas.
Flooding remains the most severe issue, inflicting significant losses on residents' property and crops. Each year, the people of this region endure the heavy toll of floods and storms, resulting in tragic losses of life and property. For example, the floods of 2020 submerged numerous villages in Central Vietnam. Intense storms damaged infrastructure and triggered landslides, reducing arable land. Floodwaters swept away homes and crops, creating food shortages. Essential crops such as rice and maize were devastated, leading to diminished food sources and income. According to a report by Labor Newspaper on November 26, 2021, “In 2020, historical floods, flash floods, and widespread landslides in the Central region resulted in heavy losses, with 249 people dead or missing, 1,531 houses collapsed, and 239,341 houses damaged or roofless. Flooding affected 473,449 households, and many disaster prevention structures and infrastructure were eroded. The estimated economic loss exceeded 36 trillion VND.” In Quang Binh province alone, the damages from floods and storms in 2020 were around 3.676 trillion VND, with 3.511 trillion VND occurring in October alone, resulting in 25 fatalities and 197 injuries, along with 104 houses completely destroyed and 106,220 houses flooded (Fig. 3). According to VnExpress on September 20, 2024, Typhoon Soulik, which struck Quang Binh on September 19, 2024, caused severe damage, submerging many homes and farmland in deep water. Initial reports indicate that 1,150 households in low-lying areas along rivers in the districts of Tuyen Hoa, Minh Hoa, Bo Trach, and Le Thuy were flooded. Thirty-eight villages in the mountainous districts of Minh Hoa, Tuyen Hoa, and Bo Trach were isolated due to rising floodwaters cutting off access roads.
Flood inundating a village in Minh Hoa District, Quang Binh Province, Vietnam.
In addition to storms, drought poses a significant challenge for the region's residents, as prolonged dry seasons and high temperatures deplete water sources, complicating agricultural and livestock farming. In Quang Binh and Quang Tri, the Chut and Bru-Van Kieu communities face severe water shortages that hinder irrigation and crop yields. The decline in agricultural income exacerbates poverty in these areas.
The Ruc community has experienced numerous livelihood challenges due to environmental changes. Extreme weather events, such as severe cold, flooding, heavy rains, and prolonged droughts, have adversely affected cattle farming and acacia planting. During the rainy season, cattle grazing in the forests are often harmed by leeches, which pose a significant threat to livestock. In 2023, five families lost cattle due to leech bites that caused fatal bleeding or exposure to severe cold. By the time the cattle were discovered, they had already decomposed. The difficulty of retrieving cattle from the forest during the rainy season can take up to two months for some families. In the dry season, while cattle typically graze on wild grass nearby and return home by evening, harsh weather still affects their health and development. High temperatures can diminish the cattle’s resilience and feeding capacity, hindering growth and increasing disease susceptibility, ultimately impacting the community's animal husbandry efforts.
In recent years, acacia trees have emerged as a popular crop for the Ruc people, not only providing economic value but also improving living conditions. The expansion of acacia plantations has enabled many families to boost their income, stabilize their lives, and even escape poverty. Furthermore, acacia cultivation creates job opportunities and enhances the community's standard of living. However, it also carries significant risks, particularly in storm-prone years. Strong winds can topple or break acacia trees, resulting in substantial losses for growers. The initial investment for acacia planting can burden struggling households due to high startup costs and the risk of total loss during adverse weather conditions. One resident expressed: “The weather has been very unpredictable in recent years, making it difficult to grow anything. Rice crops fail due to extreme heat, while acacia trees are damaged by storms. Last year, prolonged storms flattened many acacia plantations. If we harvest early, the trees are still too small to be economically viable, but if we wait, they risk being destroyed by storms. While our family's situation wasn't as dire as some others, the end-of-year storm still affected us. Some families that borrowed money to invest in acacia plantations are now burdened with debt.” (CD, male, born in 1968, Ruc ethnic group, Mo O - O O village, July 2023).
The shift toward commercial activities such as acacia planting initially did not yield economic benefits for the Ruc community; rather, it increased burdens and risks associated with weather and environmental factors. Additionally, harsh weather challenges traditional agricultural practices like rice cultivation, where productivity is low and often insufficient to meet daily food needs. Extreme weather events, including heavy rain, drought, and severe cold, diminish crop yield and quality, resulting in food shortages for the community. Providing knowledge and modern techniques for farming and livestock management can help the Ruc people adapt to environmental changes and improve their livelihoods. Concurrently, economic development policies should focus on minimizing risks and enhancing community resilience against extreme weather events.
The impact of social environmental changes
Social environmental changes have profoundly affected the lives of the Ruc community. The population has increased significantly while the available cultivable forest area has remained constant, leaving many households without sufficient farming land and making livelihoods more challenging. Traditionally, the Ruc people practiced shifting cultivation by clearing forests, but state-imposed forest protection regulations have since prohibited this practice, leading to a scarcity of land.
Since 1959, the Ruc population has grown from just 34 individuals to nearly 600, exacerbating land shortages amid rising numbers. Restrictions on expanding cultivated areas have hindered many households from sustaining their traditional agricultural livelihoods. Moreover, initiatives like acacia planting have reduced grazing lands for cattle, further diminishing the community’s ability to raise livestock. One resident remarked, “Currently, the land available for grazing is decreasing due to acacia planting. Previously, flat areas served as pastures, but now those lands are being planted with acacia, causing conflicts within the community. Flat lands near streams have been encroached upon by the Kinh people. All the prime land now belongs to them. While the number of cattle is increasing, the grazing area is shrinking” (CM, male, 60 years old, Ruc, On village, July 2023).
Complications surrounding land use rights have also led to disputes between some Ruc households and the Kinh people. These conflicts often stem from a complex history of land use and a lack of clear legal documentation. Such upheavals disrupt livelihoods and foster instability within the community. Interviews reveal that in past years, some Ruc households lent or sold land to Kinh households at very low prices. However, the absence of legal documentation allowed Kinh households to later secure land ownership, resulting in disputes.
Our investigation found that the allocation of land for acacia planting lacks proper government oversight, leading to inequities among community members. Personal interests often take precedence, with influential individuals or those holding government positions receiving land in prime locations near the village. Kinh households are also prioritized for acacia plantation ownership, further fueling tensions regarding forest land resources. As land and essential resources become scarce, the likelihood of conflicts over land use escalates, threatening community stability and negatively impacting livelihoods and the local economy.
Ethnic prejudices and the Ruc community
The Ruc people today face numerous challenges from globalization and externally imposed development policies, most notably the policies on sedentary agriculture and settlement as well as economic development directed at their community. The state has attempted to introduce new production models to transform the traditional methods of the Rục, but these models have not been truly effective or well-suited to the ecological and cultural characteristics of the community. Although these policies aim to improve living standards, their implementation often disregards the actual needs and rights of the Ruc people.
The shift from a subsistence economy to a market economy has also brought significant difficulties. The Rục, who have long been accustomed to a self-sufficient lifestyle deeply connected to the forests and mountains, now face new demands for skills, knowledge, and job opportunities to survive in a market-driven economy. Engaging with the market requires investment capital and an understanding of prices and consumer trends, areas in which Ruc is largely underprepared. This not only complicates their adaptation but also exacerbates wealth disparities within the community, as only a small number can access these new opportunities while the majority remain in poverty.
Notably, when addressing the Rục's adaptation to new livelihood activities, local authorities and members of the majority Kinh population often tend to view them as “backward” and “underdeveloped.” This prejudice suggests that the Ruc are incapable of leveraging scientific and technological advancements for economic growth, attributing their struggles to low educational attainment and a perceived lack of ambition. From the government's perspective, the Ruc community is seen as a poor, slow-to-adapt group that is difficult to develop and poses challenges to the implementation of state development policies and programs. These biases not only hinder effective support but also perpetuate the social and cultural distance between the Ruc and broader society, creating invisible barriers to the community’s integration and development.
Discussion
This paper provides a fresh perspective on the livelihood transition of the Ruc people, particularly the shift from traditional ecological adaptation strategies to confronting modern environmental challenges. From an ecological anthropology standpoint, this transformation is not merely a matter of material adaptation but also reflects the complex relationship between humans and their environment within the context of globalization and development policies. The academic contribution of this research lies in its elucidation of how the Rục, an isolated ethnic minority, are seeking new livelihood solutions in the face of climate change and shifting state policies.
One of the key highlights of the study is its application of political ecology theory to analyze the factors affecting the livelihoods and social structure of the Rục. The research demonstrates that resettlement and economic development policies while offering new opportunities and improving the material conditions of the community, lack coherence and are not fully aligned with local cultural and ecological contexts. This has created a gap between policy goals and practical implementation, leaving the Ruc to navigate numerous challenges in their livelihood transition, such as difficulties adapting to wet-rice farming models and shortages of land and capital for cultivation and livestock.
Furthermore, the study explores the impact of climate change on the livelihoods of the Rục. Extreme weather events, such as floods and droughts, not only diminish agricultural productivity but also affect the natural ecosystems that the Ruc depend on. In this way, the research contributes to global discussions on the relationship between climate change and the sustainability of traditional livelihoods in the context of ethnic minority communities.
A distinctive feature of this study is its emphasis on the role of indigenous knowledge in sustainable development. While many current economic development programs lack full community involvement, this research suggests that integrating indigenous knowledge into policy planning would not only preserve cultural identity but also enhance the effectiveness of climate change adaptation strategies. This integration would bring greater sustainability and equity to the development process.
Lastly, the study highlights the contradictions within current development policies, particularly in the allocation of resources and access to basic services. The inadequacies of support policies—ranging from the implementation of projects unsuited to local realities to the lack of coherence in resource management—have exacerbated the vulnerability of the Ruc people. This research calls for the proactive involvement of the community and close coordination between policymakers and non-governmental organizations in the development process.
Conclusion
This article draws on data from in-depth interviews and participant observation within the Ruc community. The study aims to gain a deeper understanding of the livelihood transitions of the Ruc people amidst environmental changes and resource management policies. Historically, the Ruc have maintained an economy based on natural resource extraction, but recent environmental shifts and forest protection policies have significantly impacted their way of life. The research focuses on elucidating the relationship between humans and the natural environment, while also providing crucial insights into the adaptation and livelihood changes of the Ruc community.
The findings reveal that the Ruc has transitioned from a livelihood model based on hunting and gathering to one centered on agriculture and livestock, contributing to improved economic conditions and environmental protection. However, the community continues to face numerous challenges, such as limited arable land, land conflicts, climate change, and the erosion of traditional culture. While government policies have helped improve living conditions and infrastructure to some extent, they have fallen short in addressing the specific needs of the community. A key limitation of this research is its restricted ability to fully capture the complex socio-economic and environmental factors influencing the Rục's livelihoods, as well as a lack of longitudinal data.
The study suggests that the Vietnamese government should develop sustainable livelihood policies, focusing on agriculture and climate change adaptation, and provide training to the community on modern farming techniques. Future development projects should actively involve local people to ensure feasibility. Specific policy recommendations include: integrating the Rục’s traditional ecological knowledge into conservation strategies, promoting sustainable resource-based livelihood models, and developing supportive infrastructure for the community. Crucially, it is essential to enable the Ruc to participate in the policymaking and implementation processes, ensuring both sustainability and equity in development.
Notes
This research is funded by Vietnam National University Ho Chi Minh City (VNU-HCM) under grant number C2024-18b-05.